Browsing by Author "Chayinska, Maria"

Now showing 1 - 12 of 12
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    A longitudinal examination of the factors that facilitate and hinder support for conservative and progressive social movements
    (2022) Gonzalez, Roberto; Chayinska, Maria; Plaza, Alejandro; Bargsted, Matias; Miranda, Daniel
    This paper examines social-psychological factors that can facilitate and hinder public support for conservative agendas over time. Using four waves of longitudinal panel data from Chile (N = 2,394), we estimated the between-person and within-person associations among individuals' self-reported conservative ideologies, political disaffection, civic behaviour, political attitudes towards democracy and social change, and their support for conservative (vs progressive) social movements over time. As expected, between-person increases in social dominance orientation (SDO), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), right-wing self-categorization, and political disaffection correlated positively with support for conservative social movements. Between-person increases in people's social change beliefs, support for democracy, and civic participation predicted less support for conservative social movements over time. Within-person increases in RWA and SDO correlated positively with conservative social movement support, whereas civic participation correlated negatively with it. Results provide novel evidence for the dynamic processes underlying support for conservative/progressive agendas.
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    A longitudinal study of the bidirectional causal relationships between online political participation and offline collective action
    (PERGAMON-ELSEVIER SCIENCE LTD, 2021) Chayinska, Maria; Miranda, Daniel; Gonzalez, Roberto
    The longitudinal causal relationships between individuals' online and offline forms of civic participation requires further understanding. We provide a robust test of four competing theoretical perspectives to establish the direction of causality between online political participation and offline collective action as well as the persistence of their longitudinal effects. Two longitudinal panel studies were conducted in the socio-political context of Chile. Study 1 involved university students (a 2-year, 5-wave longitudinal study, N wave 1 = 1221, N wave 2 = 954, N wave 3 = 943, N wave 4 = 905, and N wave 5 = 786) and Study 2 used a nationally representative sample of adults (a 3-year, 3-wave longitudinal study, N wave 1 = 2927, N wave 2 = 2473 and N wave 3 = 2229). Results from both studies supported the spillover perspective compellingly showing that offline participation fostered subsequent online collective action over time, whereas the reverse causal path from online political participation and offline collective action was consistently non-significant. In Study 2, previous offline collective action predicted increased online participation after controlling for the effects of age, gender, and educational level. The need for further fine-grained longitudinal research on the causal relations between offline and online collective action is discussed.
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    'Coming together to awaken our democracy': Examining precursors of emergent social identity and collective action among activists and non-activists in the 2019-2020 'Chile desperto' protests
    (2022) Pozzi, Maura; Passini, Stefano; Chayinska, Maria; Morselli, Davide; Ellena, Adriano Mauro; Wlodarczyk, Anna; Pistoni, Carlo
    By integrating the insights from social identity research on collective action, this article examines the social-psychological mechanisms behind the emergence of the 2019-20 'Chile desperto' social movement, a major Latin American revolt against the government's price hikes. Using survey data collected among Chilean activists (N = 549) and non-activists (i.e., members of broader society, N = 234), we analyse two major explanatory collective action frameworks: that is, the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and the encapsulation model of the social identity of collective action (EMSICA). Multi-group SEM with latent variables revealed that the EMSICA was slightly better suited as compared to SIMCA to explain collective action on behalf of newly formed collective identities. As concerns prosocial disobedience, these attitudes predicted collective action intentions indirectly through social identification among both activists and non-activists. The indirect effects of moral outrage were found to be more pronounced in non-activists, whereas perceived collective efficacy had stronger direct mobilizing effects among activists. The discussion highlights the importance of studying individuals' prosocial disobedience attitudes within social identity models of collective action. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement.
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    CONCEPTUAL, METHODOLOGICAL, AND CONTEXTUAL CHALLENGES IN STUDYING COLLECTIVE ACTION: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
    (2022) Ulug, Ozden Melis; Chayinska, Maria; Tropp, Linda R.
    The global rise in social protest movements has forced collective action scholars in various disciplines to think about theoretical models that can comprehensively explain phenomena related to protest participation and mobilization. Despite recent advances in collective action literature, we argue that collective action scholars in social psychology still face a) conceptual challenges, associated with lack of attention to content and multiplicity of identities, b) methodological challenges, such as overreliance on self-reports and limited qualitative and mixed-method studies on collective action, and c) contextual challenges, related to an insufficient emphasis on structural and political contexts in which protest movements emerge. In this review article, we discuss each of these challenges in detail and suggest recommendations for how each challenge can be addressed in future research. We hope this paper will provide a roadmap for future research by offering critical reflections regarding how collective action is typically studied in social psychology.
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    Coronavirus conspiracy beliefs and distrust of science predict risky public health behaviours through optimistically biased risk perceptions in Ukraine, Turkey, and Germany
    (2022) Chayinska, Maria; Ulug, Ozden Melis; Ayanian, Arin H.; Gratzel, Johanna Claudia; Brik, Tymofii; Kende, Anna; McGarty, Craig
    The present paper examines the extent to which conspiracy beliefs about the COVID-19 outbreak and distrust of epidemiological science are likely to predict optimistically biased risk perceptions at the individual and group levels. We explored the factor structure of coronavirus conspiracy beliefs and their associations with trust in science in predicting risk perceptions using survey data collected in Ukraine (N = 390), Turkey (N = 290), and Germany (N = 408). We further expected conspiracy beliefs and distrust of science to predict people's willingness to attend public gatherings versus maintaining preventive physical distancing through optimistically biased risk perceptions. Metric noninvariance for key constructs across the samples was observed so the samples were analysed separately. In Ukraine, a two-factor structure of conspiracy beliefs was found wherein COVID-19 bioweapon (but not COVID-19 profit) beliefs were negatively associated with public gathering through optimistically biased individual risk perceptions. In Turkey and Germany, conspiracy beliefs showed a single-factor solution that was negatively associated with preventive distancing and positively related to public gathering through optimistically biased public risk metaperceptions. The hypothesis about the direct and indirect effects of trust in science on risky health behaviour was partially confirmed in all three samples. The observed discrepancies in our findings are discussed.
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    National identity and beliefs about historical linguicide are associated with support for exclusive language policies among the Ukrainian linguistic majority
    (2022) Chayinska, Maria; Bende, Anna; Wohl, Michael J. A.
    We examined the idea that endorsement of state-level restrictive language policies can be understood as an ingroup-preserving behaviour driven by majority group members' experiences of linguistic-based collective angst (i.e., concern about the future vitality of the ingroup's language). We did so in the context of legislative reform aimed to enforce monolinguistic public education in Ukraine - a linguistically heterogeneous nation-state with a history of a foreign ethno-political domination. Specifically, we hypothesized that collective angst is most likely to be experienced when majority group members feel higher attachment to Ukraine (vs. glorification) and shared beliefs about historical linguicide of the Ukrainian language. Using data from a public opinion survey (N = 774), we found support for the mediation model - higher attachment and beliefs about historical linguicide predicted increased support for restrictive policies directly and through collective angst, whereas glorification was found to be a non-significant predictor in this relation. Our results highlight the role of the specific content of protagonists' social identities in predicting their support for cultural assimilation of ethnic minority groups within heterogeneous societies.
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    Obstacles to Birth Surname Retention Upon Marriage: How Do Hostile Sexism and System Justification Predict Support for Marital Surname Change Among Women?
    (2021) Chayinska, Maria; Ulug, Ozden Melis; Solak, Nevin; Kanik, Betul; Cuvas, Burcu
    Despite the ongoing shift in societal norms and gender-discriminatory practices toward more equality, many heterosexual women worldwide, including in many Western societies, choose to replace their birth surname with the family name of their spouse upon marriage. Previous research has demonstrated that the adherence to sexist ideologies (i.e., a system of discriminatory gender-based beliefs) among women is associated with their greater endorsement of practices and policies that maintain gender inequality. By integrating the ideas from the system justification theory and the ambivalent sexism theory, we proposed that the more women adhere to hostile and benevolent sexist beliefs, the more likely they would be to justify existing gender relations in society, which in turn, would positively predict their support for traditional, husband-centered marital surname change. We further argued that hostile (as compared to benevolent) sexism could act as a particularly strong direct predictor of the support for marital surname change among women. We tested these possibilities across three cross-sectional studies conducted among women in Turkey (Study 1, N=118, self-identified feminist women; Study 2, N=131, female students) and the United States (Study 3, N=140, female students). Results of Studies 1 and 3 revealed that higher adherence to hostile (but not benevolent) sexism was associated with higher support for marital surname change indirectly through higher gender-based system justification. In Study 2, the hypothesized full mediation was not observed. Consistent with our predictions, in all three studies, hostile (but not benevolent) sexism was found to be a direct positive predictor of the support for marital surname change among women. We discuss the role of dominant ideologies surrounding marriage and inegalitarian naming conventions in different cultures as obstacles to women's birth surname retention upon marriage.
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    Resistance in Repressive Contexts: A Comprehensive Test of Psychological Predictors
    (2021) Ayanian, Arin H.; Tausch, Nicole; Acar, Yasemin Gulsum; Chayinska, Maria; Cheung, Wing-Yee; Lukyanova, Yulia
    Empirical research on the social psychological antecedents of collective action has been conducted almost exclusively in democratic societies, where activism is relatively safe. The present research examines the psychological predictors of collective action intentions in contexts where resistance is met with significant repression by the authorities. Combining recent advancements in the collective action literature, our model examines the unique predictive roles of emotion (anger and fear), political identity consolidation and participative efficacies, politicized identification, and moral obligation, over and above past participation. It further investigates how these variables are shaped by perceptions of risks attributable to repression. Four survey studies test this model among protesters in Russia (N = 305), Ukraine (N = 136), Hong Kong (N = 115), and Turkey (N = 296). Meta-analytic integration of the findings highlights that, unlike in most current accounts of collective action, protesters in these contexts are not primarily driven by political efficacy. Rather, their involvement is contingent upon beliefs in the ability of protest to build a movement (identity consolidation and participative efficacies) and motivated by outrage at state repression, identification with the social movement, and a sense of moral obligation to act on their behalf. Results also confirm that risks attributable to state repression spur rather than quell resistance by increasing outrage, politicized identification, identity consolidation and participative efficacies, and moral obligation. The implications of these findings for models of collective action and our understanding of the motives underlying engagement in repressive contexts are discussed.
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    The Power of Political Deja Vu: When Collective Action Becomes an Effort to Change the Future by Preventing the Return of the Past
    (2021) Chayinska, Maria; McGarty, Craig
    This article examines the conditions under which political deja vu (PDV), a perceived analogy between past and present societal-level traumatic events, can mobilize people to support system-changing collective action. We propose that individuals' perceptions of PDV can evolve both social identification with a group that sustains the victimized and disidentification with the perceived perpetrators. We further suggest that disidentification and identification can form two distinct psychological paths to collective action through the sequential effects of moral outrage and collective efficacy beliefs. We tested these ideas in a cross-sectional field study (N = 272) in the context of antigovernment protests over a missing activist in Argentina, a country with a legacy of enforced disappearances. The findings demonstrated that perceiving two events from different times as similar simultaneously predicted identifying as a supporter of the victimized and disidentifying with the perceived wrongdoer. Disidentification was found to predict collective action intentions through the sequential effect of collective efficacy beliefs and moral outrage, whereas the indirect effect of social identification was nonsignificant. Results provide an intriguing example of the effects of perceived PDV in social mobilization and extend our understanding of disidentification as a powerful predictor of collective action.
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    'We fight for a better future for our country': Understanding the Ukrainian Euromaidan movement as the emergence of a social competition strategy
    (2019) Chayinska, Maria; Minescu, Anca; McGarty, Craig
    The current research seeks to develop an analysis of Ukraine's Euromaidan social movement in psychological terms. Building on the classic understanding of social competition strategies, we argue that Euromaidan protests can be conceived as an attempt of pro-European Union (EU) Ukrainians to realign the boundaries of the Ukrainian national identity by defeating the alternative pro-Russia integration project championed by the government. In particular, building on the encapsulated model of social identity in collective action, we suggest that Euromaidan is an emergent opinion-based group identity, formed in response to injustice through two self-categorical processes - group-level self-investment into the shared entity (i.e., Ukrainian national category) and disidentification from the alternative Russia-led Customs Union. Using a sample of 3,096 participants surveyed during the protests, we tested our hypotheses with structural equation modelling, where the model accounting for the direct and indirect paths of the self-categorical processes was expected to explain collective action intentions to a great extent than models applying the social identity and encapsulation models of collective action. We found evidence consistent with the proposal that Euromaidan was a pro-EU opinion-based group, formed in response to the government's decision to suspend the EU-Ukraine agreement and around individuals' general perception of unfair government authorities.
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    You Get Us, So You Like Us: Feeling Understood by an Outgroup Predicts More Positive Intergroup Relations via Perceived Positive Regard
    (2024) Livingstone, Andrew G.; Bedford, Summer L.; Afyouni, Aya; Vu, Ngoc; Kapantai, Ioanna; Makanju, Damilola; Chayinska, Maria; Gonzalez, Roberto; Carozzi, Pia; Contreras, Camila; Byrne, Sarosha; Guy, Jennifer; King, Lara; Lo, Clarissa H. C.; Pearson, Harriet; Tapp, Calandra
    Intergroup felt understanding-the belief that outgroup members understand and accept ingroup perspectives-has been found to predict positive intergroup outcomes, but the mechanism through which it has its positive effects is unclear. Across eight studies, we tested the hypothesis that felt positive regard-the perception that outgroup members like and respect ingroup members-mediates the positive effects of felt understanding on outcomes like outgroup trust. Studies 1-6 (total N = 1,366) included cross-sectional and experimental designs and a range of intergroup settings such as Sunni-Shia relations in Lebanon, gender relations, and support for "Brexit" in the United Kingdom. Results of meta-analytic structural equation models across these studies provided evidence of the indirect effect of felt understanding via felt positive regard on outcomes including trust and positive relational emotions. Study 7 (N = 307) then tested the causal effect of felt positive regard through a direct manipulation. Findings confirmed that felt positive (vs. negative) regard did lead to more positive intergroup perceptions. Finally, Study 8 (N = 410) tested the indirect effect as a within-person change process using a year-long, two-wave study of the conflict in Chile between Indigenous Mapuche and Non-Indigenous Chileans: Change over time in felt understanding indirectly predicted change over time in trust via change in felt positive regard. We consider the theoretical implications of the findings for how intergroup relations may be improved and the possibilities presented by felt understanding for intervention development.